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ANALYSIS: By Peter Lavelle for UPI
United Press International, Moscow, Russia, April 22, 2004
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MOSCOW, April 22 (UPI) -- Ukraine's foreign policy is a menagerie
of mixed signals and conflicting interests. Attempting to appease an
expanding European Union and a resurgent Russia under President
Vladimir Putin, Ukraine often disappoints both.
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Ukraine's policy of looking to the East as well as the West has divided
Ukrainians into roughly three groups: those who would like to see Ukraine
eventually accepted into Western economic, political and even military
structures, ethnic Russian Ukrainians who still identify closely with
Russia, and a significant minority who appear not to care.
Ukraine's foreign policy has been very active recently. On Wednesday,
Russia's parliament reacted angrily to what it believes to be Ukraine's
rapprochement with NATO and Ukrainian law that went into effect this
week mandating that television and radio stations will broadcast only in
Ukrainian.
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Russian President Vladimir Putin, left, and his Ukrainian
counterpart Leonid Kuchma walk during their meeting in Alushta, Crimea
peninsula, Ukraine, Friday, April 23, 2004 (AP Photo/Misha Japaridze)
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In a 333 to 34 vote and two abstentions, the Russian Duma favored sending
strongly worded message to the Ukrainian parliament condemning Ukraine's
ratification of a memorandum of understanding with NATO, claiming that it
was a "de facto agreement to NATO's plans to expand eastward." The
memorandum signed last month allows NATO troops the right of quick entry
and passage into and through Ukraine's territory.
The Duma is just as outraged concerning Ukraine's new attitude toward the
use of the Russian language found on the country's airwaves. Russia claims
the new laws banning Russian on Ukrainian radio and television "ignored the
traditional Ukrainian-Russian bilingualism" and violated Ukrainians' civil
rights. It is estimated that half of Ukraine's population of 48 million are
Russian speakers, with ethnic Russians constituting 25 percent of all
Ukrainian citizens.
For most bilateral state relationships, such bickering among neighbors would
constitute a crisis in foreign policy. This is hardly the case for Ukraine
and Russia. On Tuesday, many Ukrainians believed that Ukraine is in danger
of losing its sovereignty in favor of Russia after ratifying three
significant treaties with its large eastern neighbor.
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Russian and Ukrainian parliaments simultaneously ratified important
agreements concerning borders, including regulation of the Sea of Azov and
the Kerch Strait -- both at the center of an explosive and what could have
been a dangerous military dispute at the end of last year.
The Azov seabed is believed to be rich in oil reserves, while the Kerch
Strait, which allows access to the Black Sea, is considered to be of
strategic military importance for the Kremlin. The border agreement signed
this week was what Russia has always wanted: joint governance and
exploitation of the Sea of Azov, as well as mandating that the Sea of Azov
and the Kerch Strait as inland waters of the two countries -- ensuring that
third parties (read: NATO) will be denied access to these waterways.
A second agreement was ratified that recognized the state borders of each
country, as well as normalizing regulations for border crossings by
commercial entities, private individuals as well as the permanency of the
border.
The third agreement, called the Single Economic Space, could have
significant long-term meaning for Russian-Ukrainian relations. It
encompasses a customs union, common tax code, joint financial policies,
foreign trade policy, and hints of a common currency. The foreign trade
policy element included a free-trade zone including Russia, Ukraine, Belarus
and Kazakhstan. The EU and the United States have concerns about Russia's
growing ambitions in the former Soviet Union.
Ukraine just might have the most eclectic foreign policy in the world. It
has often been noted that there are "two Ukraines." Geographically, half the
country is westward leaning, with the other focused on its historic
relationship with Russia. The power and influence of both "Ukraines" is
reflected in the country's foreign policies toward an expanding EU and
Russia. However, there is a "third Ukraine" that denies the "European
westerners" or the "eastern Slavs" political hegemony.
Ukraine's eclectic foreign policy is a reflection of Ukrainian
nation-building at a dead end. Ukrainians who comprise of the third groups
reject both Ukrainian nationalism and Eurasian or neo-Soviet patriotism.
These are many of the same people who have not benefited from Ukraine's
transitions away from communism.
The political elite inherited from the Soviet period is most responsible for
the existence for this group. Not adhering to any meaningful ideology beyond
power itself, the current ruling elite promotes disrespect for the law,
unchecked corruption, and widespread state surveillance of citizens.
This week, Ukraine tried to show itself to be a good neighbor to the EU and
Russia. However, it actually showed that it might not be a reliable partner
for either. Making too many promises to the EU and Russia only intensifies
divisions among some Ukrainians, while increasing the alienation of others.
Ukraine can be a reliable partner only when the majority of Ukrainians come
to understand what is best for Ukraine first, then its neighbors. Given
Ukraine's current political elite, that prospect is a long way off.
NOTE: Peter Lavelle is a Moscow based analysist. His website is
entitled "Untimely Thoughts" and can be found at the following link:
www.Untimely-Thoughts.com.
FOR PERSONAL AND ACADEMIC USE ONLY
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